The rise of humanity in Africa

There is a broad consensus that we are at a pivotal moment of change in the international system. The debate centers on whether hegemony will continue to dominate or a more equitable system of international relations will emerge, led by nation-states in the developing world. Critically, the ability of states challenging Atlantic dominance to transform their collaborative platforms into a hub for an alternative order is vital. Creating this new order demands the development of alternative mechanisms endowed with the capability and inclusiveness necessary for tangible achievements.

Asia has decisively marked its influence on the 21st century, as we draw close to the end of its first quarter. The continent’s progress, with China leading the way, is lauded for its burgeoning skilled labor force, advanced technological achievements, expanding knowledge through scientific innovations, and economic growth.

Asia’s ascent is not happening in isolation. Along with Latin America, Africa is also on the rise, buoyed by its abundant natural resources, youthful labor force, and relatively steady growth trend. Presently, the Republic of South Africa is playing a pivotal role in the BRICS, a key initiative shaping the new world order. Furthermore, governments in Africa that once collaborated with the West and were exploited for centuries are now being systematically dismantled. The second wave of independence movements, starting in the 2010s and following the initial wave of independence in the 1960s, is significantly impacting both the continent and its former colonizers. The new governments emerging from changes in leadership in countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger are fortifying the pan-African movement for independence, united in their opposition to Western hegemony.

African nations, which had led the Non-Aligned Movement at its inception, are increasingly collaborating with Asia. Similarly, Asian countries facing challenges from Atlanticist influences are seeking stronger ties with Africa. Partnerships across a wide range of sectors with nations such as China, Russia, Türkiye, Iran, and India are flourishing at an unprecedented pace. Moreover, deepening cooperation with countries like Saudi Arabia, which are pursuing more independent policies from the West, is significantly aiding African nations in their effort to break free from neocolonialism. The trend towards regional cooperation, which has contributed to the decline of the unipolar world order, is now encompassing Africa as well.

These developments are shifting the balance of power not just on a continental level but globally as well. The erosion of Western hegemony is unlocking opportunities for Africa’s wealth to be utilized for the benefit of its people, enabling South-South cooperation previously impeded by imperialist actions, and consequently generating positive results for all stakeholders. Through this lens, overcoming neocolonialism in Africa is emerging as a shared objective, not just for African nations but for the entire developing world. The movement to break free from the constraints of neoliberalism and globalization is gaining momentum across Africa.

It is becoming clear that the 21st century will be defined not only by Asia’s ascendance but also by Africa’s resurgence.


With this issue, BRIQ marks four and a half years of publication and embarks on a new venture. Since our debut, the journal has been available in both Turkish and English. However, from this issue forward, the print edition will be exclusively in Turkish, while the English version will transition to an electronic format. Both the Turkish and English e-journal versions of BRIQ are accessible on our website. We have also started efforts to release BRIQ in e-journal format in Chinese, Arabic, Persian, Russian, Spanish, and French. Our goal is to evolve BRIQ into a journal available in the main languages of the countries participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. With the support of our readers, we are hopeful of achieving this ambitious objective.




This study aims to shed light on the contemporary transformations in Africa’s struggle against the neocolonial system within their historical context. It particularly examines the dynamics behind the current shifts in governance in former French colonial African countries. The process of Africa’s colonization and its struggle for independence will be dissected into four sections: the colonial period, the process of political independence, the emergence of neo-colonial activities, and what can be referred to as the Second War of Independence for African nations. Certainly, colonialism stands as one of the darkest chapters in human history. With the rise of capitalism and its innate need to find new markets and resource-rich lands, the previously untapped wealth of the African continent was of strategic importance for colonial powers. In the 1880s, colonial conquests accelerated, and by the early 20th century, nearly all African territories were divided among the colonial powers of the era. The classical colonial period continued until after World War II, with Africa gaining political independence in the 1960s. However, Africa’s position on the world stage persisted within a new framework of exploitation through dependency agreements imposed by neocolonialist states. Resistance to this new form of colonialism that began in the 1960s was often met with occupations, military coups, and bloodshed. In the 21st century, the political and economic balance of forces has shifted against leading imperialist states like the United States and France. Eurasian countries, particularly China, respecting the independence and territorial integrity of nations and proposing a new framework of peaceful cooperation, have begun to exert increasing influence in Africa. This environment has brought the African forces striving for full independence back onto the world stage.

Keywords: Africa, de Gaulle, Non-Aligned Movement, new colonialism, New World.


Over the last 20 years, there has been a notable trend of power centers engaging in efforts to establish or enhance their military presence in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. The Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden have become a tense intersection point between imperialism, which operates on an inseparable logic of collaboration and power unity, and Asian power centers, which have been unable to break away from sacrificing continental interests for regional ones. Due to its critical waterway characteristics, this region, as a major geopolitical power field, has seen Africa being unable to protect its interests for centuries. This article aims to draw attention to what is happening at the Afro-Asian junction, which will shape the future of the world, and highlights the pivotal role of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, especially for Africa and other oppressed parts of the world in search of a secure future.

Keywords: Bab el-Mandeb Strait, Djibouti Bases, Horn of Africa, maritime banditry, Red Sea.


This paper examines the impact of China’s emergence as a global power on various African nations, emphasizing the provision of “global public goods” as a key mechanism for fostering development. Global public goods are defined as those with benefits extending to all citizens worldwide. Employing a desktop literature review methodology, the paper conducts an in-depth examination through a process tracing of China’s major initiatives labeled as global public goods from 2000 to 2023. Notable initiatives include the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, the Belt and Road Initiative, Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative, Global Civilization Initiative, and the Outlook on Peace and Development in the Horn of Africa. These initiatives have played a pivotal role in transforming Africa into a hub of development by leveraging mechanisms such as government concessional loans, grants, aid, commercial financial institution credit funds, special investment and financing funds, and promoting direct Chinese investments in Africa. Despite these positive outcomes, China’s growing influence in Africa, particularly through the provision of global public goods, has elicited diverse reactions, especially from traditional Western partners of African nations. Accusations of entangling Africa in a “debt trap” and other myths have been a recurring critique. Consequently, this paper aims to explore the evolving dynamics of cooperation between China and African countries within the framework of a public-goods approach.


When Morocco violated the 1991 ceasefire on 13 November 2020 after years of obstructing the referendum on self-determination, the Frente POLISARIO declared that it was forced to exercise its right to self-defence and that it was consequently resuming the liberation struggle. As a result, the Territory of Western Sahara has become a zone of open war as military confrontations between the two parties continue and intensify along the Moroccan illegal military wall in Western Sahara. Morocco’s violation of the 1991 ceasefire has not only put an end to the UN peace process but also has the potential to endanger peace and stability in the region. Once again, the UN Security Council has remained silent in the face of Morocco’s new act of aggression. The question before the international community and the free world comes down to this: do they allow the logic of force and the rule of “might makes right” to prevail in North Africa, and thus allow Morocco’s military occupation of parts of Western Sahara to endure with impunity, or do they defend the principles of international law that are crucial to maintaining order, credibility and belief in the rules governing international relations, and consequently allow the Sahrawi people the chance to exercise their right to self-determination and independence freely and democratically? The only option, therefore, is to defend the principles of international law and bring the decolonization of Western Sahara to its conclusion through the free, genuine, and democratic expression of the sovereign will of the Sahrawi people in the exercise of their inalienable right to selfdetermination and independence.

Keywords: Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, self-determination, Polisario Front, the struggle against colonialism, Western Sahara.


“As Europe’s neocolonial influence over Africa began to wane, new actors eager to become active on the continent started to establish spheres of influence in different regions of Africa. Many countries acted earlier than Türkiye in establishing contact with Africa. Türkiye began expanding its diplomatic representation network in Africa at the beginning of 2008. Thanks to these efforts, new embassies were opened in 2009. Currently, Türkiye has diplomatic representation in 44 African countries. Following China, the USA, and France, Türkiye is among the countries with the most representations on the continent. Türkiye’s Africa policy has become more pronounced since 2005. The growing Türkiye-Africa relations can be understood as Türkiye balancing its position between Asia and Europe via Africa. Moreover, African countries constitute important export markets for Türkiye. Turkish companies are establishing and operating some of the largest facilities in Africa in the textile and food industries, as well as in the iron-steel and heavy industries, even generating significant foreign exchange income. In the last century, official languages, currencies, and socio-cultural and economic lifestyles in Africa have been largely shaped by the West and continue to exert their influence. It is clear that reversing this influence will take time. It is not easy for African countries to align with China, Russia, the USA, or India. Instead of opposing Europe in Africa, Türkiye acts according to the suitability of current conditions.”


“Moscow, unlike the United States and European colonial metropoles, aims at mutually beneficial and equal cooperation. We value our African partners and communicate with them on an equal footing. Russia does not impose any prescriptive political, economic, social or value model on African countries. Russia and Africa, the Eurasian and African regions complement each other seamlessly from an economic point of view. Additionally, when viewed from a broader worldview perspective, it becomes evident that share a common objective in resisting the neo-colonial ambitions of the West, making them natural allies in their pursuits. For example, Burkina Faso and Mali, after leaving the orbit of France, are developing partnerships with Russia, Türkiye and China. Türkiye’s engagement in Africa does not pose a competition to Russia in this region. Since our potentials complement each other, we can work not to compete but to delimit the spheres of our activity. Simultaneously, on the international stage, within international organizations and at the United Nations, we can offer mutual support to both each other and our African allies who are striving to break free from Western dominance. Only by standing together can we challenge the imperialist supremacy of the United States and its allies, thereby affording nations worldwide the opportunity for autonomous development within a multipolar framework of international relations.”


This article aims to examine the socioeconomic impact of Chinese investments in Nigeria and provide an assessment of the long-term viability of these investments in Nigeria’s economy. The aim is to contribute to the existing literature on understanding China’s global economic expansion, Chinese-Nigerian relations, and the prospective outcomes for both parties involved. Nigeria has benefited from Chinese financing and energy, transportation, and telecommunications projects. It is one of many countries that have shown much interest in the BRI, which has also drawn much investment. Because Nigeria is a developing country and the largest on the African continent, it is in its best interests to capitalize on the BRI’s opportunities for economic growth and continued regional integration while protecting its national interests and maintaining its sovereignty. In the meantime, Nigeria needs to find a balance between the benefits of Chinese investment and the transfer of technology on the one hand and socioeconomic development on the other.

Keywords: China, cooperation, development, investment, Nigeria.


Africa stands out as a strategic continent that plays an important role in during the multipolarization process due to its strategic location, potential population, and unmatched wealth both below and above the surface. It is attracting increasing attention as a major potential market for foreign investments and trade. Africa has been keenly awaiting new partnerships since the COVID-19 pandemic, with its accelerated economic growth, young and dynamic population, expanding consumer base, and government officials and business leaders eager to engage in reciprocal relations. The continent hosts approximately 30% of the world’s mineral reserves, 12% of its oil reserves, and 8% of its natural gas reserves. It is home to 40% of the world’s gold reserves and possesses the largest reserves of cobalt, diamonds, uranium, and platinum. Additionally, 30% of the world’s rare earth element deposits are found in Africa, making the continent a central resource for strategic high-tech industries like semiconductors, batteries, and green energy. Africa, with 65% of its arable land, plays a critical role in global food security. Türkiye, in terms of its capacity, knowledge, and workforce, is sufficiently equipped to serve Africa in many areas, and most importantly, it emerges as a preferred partner for African counterparts. The Turkish government encourages all companies to engage in business, investment, and trade in Africa, and our consulates and commercial attachés on the continent provide all possible support to Turkish entrepreneurs. However, there is still a need for the further development of bilateral trade agreements and customs agreements between countries.

Keywords: Action Plan for Opening Up to Africa, Africa’s rise, Africa-Türkiye relations, geostrategic position,


After his undergraduate studies in Izmir, Halim Gençoğlu completed his master’s degree in religious studies at the University of Cape Town (UCT). His thesis focused on the religious activities of the Ottoman Islamic scholar Abu Bakr Effendi in South Africa in the nineteenth century, using South African, Ottoman, and other archival sources. He then enrolled for his PhD in Hebrew studies on “Socio-political Challenges of “Marginal” Religious Denominations: The Sabetai Sect as a Case Study.” He analyzed a controversial figure in history, the self-proclaimed Messiah, the Jewish Rabbi Shabbetai Tzvi. During his academic studies, he also conducted research on broader South African themes using both South African and Ottoman archival sources. During his archival research, he discovered that Dr. Muhammed Shukri Effendi was the first black medical student to graduate from UCT. This discovery was published on the UCT website on April 12, 2016. (http://www.health.uct.ac.za/news/new-evidencefirst-black-medical-doctors-uct- south-african-history) More recently, he discovered that the Bo-Kaap museum at 71 Wale Street actually belonged to the Ottoman Turkish religious scholar Mahmud Fakih Effendi. He is currently a Research Fellow in the Department of African Studies at the UCT, where he conducts research in African studies.